Here Come Them Same Dame Fellers Again Lincoln

Senator John B. Henderson took part on January 29, 1862 after Trusten Polk was expelled from the Senate. Brooks was a Democrat who has supported Stephen A. Douglas in the 1860 ballot only whose loyalties lay firmly with the Spousal relationship. At the outbreak of hostilities in the Civil War, he became a militia brigadier full general. Henderson was a conservative on slavery but supported President Lincoln'due south policies- specially in the tough summer days of 1862 when Mr. Lincoln seemed to exist under attack from everywhere. Reporter Walter Stevens recorded a scene between Mr. Lincoln and "General Henderson."

"Mr. Lincoln hesitated, not because he hadn't made up his mind, but because he wanted to protect the loyal slaveholders of the border States every bit far as he could. His idea was that a plan to pay for these slaves could exist put in functioning, and and so he would by proclamation strike off the shackles of all whose owners were engaged in rebellion. While he was trying to become this program going he sent often for Gen. Henderson to come to the White House to discuss the details, and to urge more rapid activeness. It was on the occasion of one of these talks that Mr. Lincoln told the story which Gen. Henderson chosen to mind a few evenings since.

'Every bit I went in,' said the General, 'I noticed that the President was looking troubled. He was sitting in one of his favorite attitudes — in a rocking chair, with one leg thrown over the arm. I knew that he suffered terribly from headaches, and I said to him:

'Mr. President, you must have ane of your headaches; yous look gloomy.

'No,' said he, 'it isn't headache this fourth dimension. Chandler has merely been hither to talk over again about emancipation; and he came on the heels of Wade and Sumner, who were hither on the same errand. I similar those three men, just they bother me nearly to decease. They put me in the situation of a boy I remember when I was going to school.'

Gen. Henderson says the President'due south confront brightened, and he knew a story was coming. Mr. Lincoln leaned forward and clasped his hands effectually the knee of the leg resting on the arm of the chair.' And then he proceeded with the story:

'The text book was the Erstwhile Bible,' Mr. Lincoln went on. 'There was a rather wearisome petty boyfriend in the class who didn't know very much, and we were reading the account of the 3 Hebrews bandage into the fiery furnace. The piffling beau was chosen on to read, and he stumbled along until he came to the names of the three Hebrews – Shadrach, Meshach and Abednego. He couldn't do anything with them. The teacher pronounced them over slowly and told the male child to try. The boy tried and missed. This provoked the instructor, and he slapped the little fellow, who cried vigorously. Then he attempted again, but he couldn't get the names. 'Well,' said the instructor impatiently, 'never mind the names. Skip them and get on.' The poor boy drew his shirt sleeve beyond his eyes two or three times, snuffed his nose and started on to read. He went on bravely a little mode and so he of a sudden stopped, dropped the book in front of him, looked in despair at the teacher, and flare-up out crying. 'What the thing now?' shouted the instructor, and outburst out of patience. 'He – he – here'southward them same – fellers agin,' sobbed the boy.

'That,' said Mr. Lincoln, 'is just my fix to-day, Henderson. Those same iii – fellows accept been here again with their everlasting emancipation talk.

'He stopped a few moments to bask the story, and and so becoming serious, continued:

'But Sumner and Wade are right about it, I know it, and y'all know it likewise. I've got to practise something, and it can't be put off much longer. We tin can't get through this terrible war with slavery existing. You've got sense enough to know that. Why can't you make the border States members see it? Why don't you turn in and take pay for your slaves from the Regime? Then all your people can requite their hearty support to the Matrimony. We can go ahead with emancipation of slaves in the other States past proclamation and end the trouble.'

Gen. Henderson says that equally early as May, in 1862, Mr. Lincoln told him of his intention to issue the emancipation proclamation. The action was not taken until six months later, and then the proclamation was fabricated to have effect January, 1863. The President held out as long equally he could in the promise that he might be able to behave out his edge States policy.

The introduction of the neb to pay for the slaves of loyal owners inn Missouri was the result of Mr. Lincoln's hostage support of this plan. This was the commencement of the bills. It was followed by others for Kentucky, Maryland and other border States which had slaveholders.

"I do not recollect," the General says, "whether Mr. Lincoln drafted the pecker or whether I got information technology up, but the inspiration came from him. I did all in my power to press it. The proposition went through both House and Senate. Only it was passed in somewhat dissimilar forms. The Senate increased the amount, and this difference had to be adjusted in conference. In that location was a expert bulk for the Missouri bill in both branches of Congress, and there was not much trouble nearly compromising the deviation of stance on the amount to be appropriated, just the session was well-nigh at an end, and a pocket-sized minority in the House was able by filibustering and obstructing to forbid the terminal action there. If the bill could have been got before the Firm in its finished course it would accept passed as easily equally it did in the Senate."

President Lincoln watched the progress of the legislation with a great deal of interest and did all he could to further information technology. He could not understand why the edge State members should not be for it.

"And I could non either," says the Full general; "it was perfectly plain to me that slavery had got to become. Here was a voluntary offer on the role of the Authorities to compensate the loyal men in the border States for the loss of their property. I talked with the members from Missouri and from Kentucky and with the others who were most interested, only I couldn't make them run across information technology every bit I did. They had exaggerated ideas of the results which would ensue from a free negro population. They took the position that slavery must not be touched, and information technology was their determined opposition to the stop that defeated the nib to give the Missouri slaveholders $20,000,000 for their slaves. If the Missouri bill had gone through the others would have followed undoubtedly and the loyal slaveholders in all of the edge States would take received pay for their slaves.'

Gen. Henderson was asked if he remembered what the compensation would have amounted to in the case of the Missouri slaveholders.

"Yeah," he replied, "I recollect quite distinctly the calculation I made at the fourth dimension. I establish that the amount which the Authorities would have turned over to Missouri under the terms of the pecker finally agreed upon would take paid the loyal owners in my Land $300 for each slave – homo, adult female or kid. That I considered a pretty practiced cost, for, while we were legislating, the emancipation had gone into result, and it was very evident to my mind that slavery was doomed, even amid those slaveholders who had remained loyal.'¹

Congressional scholar Allan One thousand. Bogue wrote: "Brilliant, eloquent, and still in his mid-thirties, Henderson won respect amongst Republicans as one of the most realistic of the senators from the border states, and succeeded winning reelection although his supporters agreed to support the radical candidate, B. Gratz Dark-brown, for the other position."ⁱⁱ Senator Henderson was the kind of border land representative President Lincoln liked – one with whom he work to bring about emancipation compromises. In September 1862, Henderson wrote the President: "I have made several speeches to our people in the largest of our slaveholding counties since my return, and I have in each instance urged about successfully upon their consideration your very generous proposition for compensated emancipation."³ In January 1863, Henderson wrote Mr. Lincoln: "I promise the President will telegraph Genl. Curtis to so manage the negro question in Missouri, as to avoid…ill feeling on the function of Union men until for a week or x days – In that time I hope to have a bill passed to settle information technology forever. The indications in Missouri are bad.^four Although no such legislation to provide fiscal assist for emancipation in Missouri passed Congress, President Lincoln did endeavor to get General Samuel Curtis's cooperation.

President Lincoln had consulted Henderson regularly during 1862 near Edge Land policy on emancipation of slaves. Henderson's influence was reflected in the story told by Anna Byers-Jennings virtually her advent at Mr. Lincoln's office in search of a parole for a Confederate prisoner from Missouri: "When I offered my papers to the President he didn't bear on them, but said, without raising a manus: 'At present, suppose y'all read them over for me. Your eyes are younger than mine. Besides, every bit I told y'all, I am very, very tired.' By accident, the petition was the get-go thing I took upwards. When came to John B. Henderson'due south name he reached out and said apace: 'Let me see that.' Every bit he glanced over it to the bottom, he laid the newspaper down, slapped his hand upon the table and exclaimed: 'Plague on me, if that ain't John Henderson's signature. Well, I'll release this homo just considering John Henderson asks me to do it. I know he wouldn't inquire me if information technology wasn't right, nor send whatever one hither that would do anything detrimental to our government. Come in tomorrow at 8 o'clock – heed, at 8 precisely. Bring that petition with John Henderson'south proper name on it and I'll fix it so you tin can go this man out of prison house.'"⁵

Similar all Senators, Henderson regularly submitted lists of desired favors and patronage. Lincoln biographer Carl Sandburg wrote: "In mid-March 1865 came Senator John B. Henderson of Missouri with ii lists of men and boys held in war machine prisons in State or near by. All sorts of appeals had been coming to the Senator, and before leaving for dwelling he wanted to clear up as many of these cases as he could. He laid before Lincoln beginning a list of those he considered fairly innocent. Lincoln looked information technology over. 'Do you lot mean to tell me, Henderson, that you lot wish me to permit loose all these people at once? Henderson said Yes; the war was near over; the time had come to try generosity and kindness. 'Practise y'all really think so?' asked Lincoln Henderson was sure he thought then; he was trying to slow down the guerrilla warfare of his torn and weary Country. 'I hope you are right,' said Lincoln, 'but I have no time to examine this evidence. If I sign this list as a whole, will y'all exist responsible for the hereafter good beliefs of the men?' Henderson would. 'Then I volition take the gamble and sign it,' said Lincoln as he began writing the word 'Pardoned' after each name of some man bedevilled past a military committee, finally writing a general order release.'^half-dozen

When Henderson pulled out a list of less-deserving recipients of presidential pardons, Mr. Lincoln said: "I hope you are not going to make me let loose another lot." When Henderson replied in the affirmative, Mr. Lincoln said "I am charge with making too many mistakes on the side of mercy." Henderson urged his signature anyway. "Now, Henderson, call back yous are responsible to me for those men. If they practice not behave, I shall take to put you lot in prison for their sins,"^seven

Rufus Rockwell Wilson wrote about the instance of an accused Confederate spy: "Allmon Vaughan, who had become a helm in the Marriage army, appealed to Senator J Henderson to salve his blood brother. Henderson laid the example before Stanton, who, later due investigation, decided that George Vaughan was guilty and that there could be no change in the sentence that had been passed upon him. Then Henderson appealed to Mr. Lincoln, at whose instance an order was issued for a new trial. This resulted in a 2d verdict of guilty. Again appeal was made toe the President, who ordered notwithstanding another trial, but a third time a court-martial pronounced against the accused man'south innocence. Henderson, however, continued the fight for his life. Information technology was the bound of 1865, and, in urging the President to exercise charity, the Senator insisted that, the war being practically over, Vaughan's pardon would be in the involvement of peace and conciliation. 'Come across Stanton, and tell him that this man must be released,' said Mr. Lincoln. 'I have been to Stanton, and he will practice naught,' protested Henderson. 'See him again,' was the reply, 'and if he volition do nothing come back to me.' Stanton would do cipher, and early in the evening of April 14, Henderson again sought the President whom he found dressed for the theatre. Mr. Lincoln shook his head when the Senator reported the outcome of his interview with Stanton. So, without a word, he seated himself at his desk, wrote a few lines on a sheet of paper, and handed information technology to Henderson. It was an order for Vaughan's unconditional release and pardon, and it was the final official deed of the President's life."⁸

Henderson was drawn into the abiding bickering over Marriage commanders that consumed Missouri politics. In 1863 President Lincoln determined to modify the Union commander in Missouri in order to quite the complaints of Republican radicals just to promote him to major general in order to ostend that his conduct was not being censured. "The conservative Senator, Henderson, friendly to [John Thou.] Schofield, would vote for his confirmation as major general, while the radical Senator, Gratz Brown, hated Schofield sufficiently to be willing to brand him major general if he would get out of Missouri," wrote biographer Carl Sandburg.⁹ On May 11, 1863, Attorney General Edward Bates noted in his diary: "Mr. Henderson and Gov King of Mo. are hither, urging upon the Prest the necessity to make a change of commander in Mo., and at once. Today, Henderson tells me that the Prest. talked as if he'd do information technology at once."¹⁰

Historian Roy M. Basler noted that Henderson "was what was called 'a progressive Conservative,' and was the leading advocate of emancipation in his state. On January 11, 1864, Henderson introduced a Articulation Resolution into the Senate proposing 'that slavery shall non be in the The states.' Senator Sumner of Massachusetts, however, preferred different linguistic communication and introduced his own Joint Resolution on February eight, providing that 'everywhere inside the limits of the United States, and of each State or Territory thereof, all persons are equal earlier the constabulary, and so that no person can concord another as a slave.' The phrase 'all persons are equal earlier the police force,' taken from the Constitution of Revolutionary France, was especially love to Sumner."¹¹

Henderson lost reelection in the convoluted and bitter politics of post-state of war Missouri. He served as a federal prosecutor investigating the Whiskey Ring too equally an Indian commissioner.

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Source: http://www.mrlincolnandfriends.org/members-of-congress/john-henderson/

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